Mankind censure injustice fearing that they may be the victims of it, and not because they shrink from committing it. - Plato -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |
Dr. Frank Kardasz Applied ethics is the branch of ethics focusing on the study of individual issues or situations. To qualify as an applied ethics issue, the subject-matter must be a moral controversy. Some law enforcement issues, such as gun control, are applied ethics subjects. Using case studies of real or theoretical misconduct incidents is a teaching method often employed in law enforcement training. The case study method can be applied in several ways. Introspective self-initiated learning by individual students, each reading and thinking through the cases, is one method of using case studies. Another method is to use case studies in a collaborative group-learning environment, permitting students to work together to solve problems. Some excellent case study tools have been developed and implemented by various ethics instructors including Lawrence Hinman, (1), and Keith Goree (2). In Law Enforcement Ethics: Using Officers' Dilemmas as a Teaching Tool, Pollock and Becker conclude: An ethical philosophy is shaped by the way an officer deals with the confusion, ambiguity, and compromise that occurs in the course of duty. The recognition of these common dilemmas, the acknowledgment of various ethical systems, and the resolution of these dilemmas by using a personal ethical philosophical framework should provide a working foundation to mediate all dilemmas, large and small.(3) Howard Lebowitz and Robert Lunney, along with the Police Executive Research Forum and the Los Angeles Police Department, developed a manual for teaching through the case study method. The manual was developed via a grant from the U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services. The manual is titled: Policing in a Democracy: Case Book, a Guide for the Development and Use of the Case Study Method of Instruction. (4) Based on the learning theories of Benjamin Bloom, the guidebook provides an excellent framework describing the varying ways in which the case study method can be used.
(1) Ethics Forum, Ethics Case Studies, Retrieved April 29, 2003 from http://ethics.sandiego. edu/resources/cases/HomeOverview.asp (2) Goree, K. (2001). Ethics, it's Just Good Business. The Southwestern Swep.com Balance Sheet, ThompsonLearning, Retrieved April 29, 2003 from http://www.swep.com/swepstuff/balancesheet/ (3) Pollock, J. M., & Becker, R.F. (1995, Spring). Law enforcement ethics: Using officers' dilemmas as a teaching tool. Journal of Criminal Justice Education, Vol. 5 (1), 20. Retrieved April 29, 2003 from http://www.fbi. gov/publications/leb/1996/nov964.txt (4) Lebowitz, H. & Lunney, R. (2001, June). Policing in a democracy, Case book, A guide for the developmentand use of the case study method of instruction. Los Angeles Police Department Training Division, PoliceExecutive Research Forum. Grant 3970CX006, U.S. Dept. of Justice, Office of Community OrientedPolicing Services. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |
The Arizona Police Officers Standards and Training Board publishes case studies of actual ethic violations involving officers whose law enforcement certification was revoked or suspended due to misconduct. The case studies are available on-line in the AZ Post Integrity Bulletin. (1) Each bulletin provides descriptions violations and the Board's decisions without revealing the names of the violators or the Arizona law enforcement agencies involved. This interesting variation of the case study training method provides anyone with Internet access the ability to examine actual incidents of misconduct and the resulting discipline. The web site also permits those interested in receiving the bulletins via e-mail to be added to their mailing list. Reference (1) Arizona Peace Officer's Standards and Training Board. AZ Post Integrity Bulletin. Retrieved May 18, 2003 from http://www.azpost.state.az.us/integrity_bulletin/integrity_index.htm --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- |
The following stories pertaining to alleged law enforcement misconduct, are meant to inform the reader and to stimulate discussion and thought regarding the difficult dilemmas which officers find themselves in every day. |
Story about allegations that the promotions of Tennessee State Troopers were tied to their political campaign contributions. Troopers with 'politics' win out on promotions By Brad Schrade, November 11, 2005 Tennesseen - Two-thirds of Tennessee Highway Patrol officers tapped for promotion under Gov. Phil Bredesen gave money to his campaign or had family or political patrons who did, a Tennessean investigation has found. Among those with such connections, more than half were promoted over troopers who scored better on impartial exams or rankings, according to an analysis by the newspaper of three years of the patrol's promotions and proposed promotions. The situation is not unique to Bredesen, insiders say, but has been a signature of the patrol for much of its 76-year history: outside politics, campaign contributions and a culture of favors for the powerful are a tradition and expectation — despite state civil-service rules designed to shield the patrol from political influence. While Bredesen has recently said he wants to change that culture in the THP, there is little evidence that he has done so in the first three years of his administration. In the THP, the rank-and-file refer to a trooper's connections as "his politics." "You don't get promoted without it," said longtime THP officer R.L. Dowdy of East Tennessee, who retired in 2003 after failing in a bid for higher rank. "It shouldn't be that way." Safety Commissioner Fred Phillips denied interview requests on this story for more than a month, but granted one on Thursday. He said he was unaware of any connection between promotions and donations to Bredesen. "Anyone I've promoted, I've never looked at a contributor list and never had the personal knowledge that they made a contribution," Phillips said. "A lot of these people I don't even know the face or name. Recommendations come to me from the ranking career officials throughout the Highway Patrol." Both Phillips and Col. Lynn Pitts, the patrol's top uniformed officer, sign off on promotions. Both are Bredesen appointees who gave or whose family members gave more than $2,000 to his campaign; Phillips also headed Bredesen's 2002 campaign in Washington County. The newspaper's analysis of three years of promotions, including 126 cases in which THP officers were either promoted or proposed for promotion since Bredesen took office in 2003, found: Sixty-two of the promoted officers — 49% — contributed or had close family members who contributed to the governor's campaign before they were promoted. • Thirty-six officers who gave campaign money or whose family members gave to Bredesen advanced even though their promotion test scores or ratings were lower than those of other applicants. Among that group were Pitts' two sons, who are also state troopers. • The patrol's promotion process is complemented by its "recommendation" system, in which candidates seek the blessing of political patrons and donors. Twenty-five officers who were promoted or proposed for promotion did not give to Bredesen, but had references who did. Of those officers, 13 were promoted over troopers who outscored them. In promoting officers with lower promotion scores who have political connections, the agency sometimes uses a looser set of standards designed for outside hires. After being told of The Tennessean's findings, the state Personnel Department said it would review whether that "loophole" should be closed to keep the system from being "manipulated." "To the extent the internal workings of a police department is not basing its promotions on merit and the quality of the officers, and instead on whose back is being scratched, it raises questions about the integrity of the entire organization," said Stefanie Lindquist, a Vanderbilt political science and law professor. "It's hard to believe that an institution who doesn't treat its employees in an even-handed fashion would treat those outside the organization any better." 'It's always been there' With their khaki-and-green outfits and distinctive flat-brimmed hats, the nearly 1,000 uniformed officers of the Tennessee Highway Patrol enforce the state's traffic laws on 87,000 miles of roads in 95 counties. Patterned after the legendary Texas Rangers, the THP's officers investigated 31,000 wrecks, made nearly 2,000 felony arrests and dealt with 195,000 moving violations and drunken drivers in 2003-04. But the agency, which the state budget allots about $72 million a year, has a habit of making supervisors out of troopers who donated to the governor's campaign, according to the newspaper's review. Take Don Nicholson, 49, of White House. He had the lowest score of the 15 sergeants on the THP's Nashville district promotions roster for lieutenant in 2001. He scored an 81; the next-lowest score was a 90. But he was promoted to lieutenant in 2003, not long after Bredesen took office. He and his family had given $350 to Bredesen's 2002 race, according to campaign-finance records. Five other sergeants who outscored Nicholson in his testing group were not promoted, state records show. Nicholson, who declined to comment for this story, gave an additional $200 to Bredesen in 2003 and $100 in 2004, campaign records show. He was scheduled for another promotion this past August, this time to captain. That advancement was put on hold, along with the rest of the THP's pending promotions, after The Tennessean raised questions about the process. Breseden has gleaned more than $30,000 from 62 officers who were promoted or tapped for promotion or their families in the past three years, records show. Troopers and former troopers from across the state told the newspaper they feel pressured to contribute money to campaigns — and to encourage people they know to give — or risk losing out on promotions. "It's very political," said Bill Campbell, a West Tennessean who recently retired from the patrol as a lieutenant. "Every governor I know since I've been there has said they're going to take politics out of the Highway Patrol. It ain't going to happen. It's always been there." Indeed, allegations that patrol officers were pressured for contributions came up in the 1952 governor's race. The victor that year, Frank Clement, wrote to each THP officer during the campaign, promising not to pressure the patrolmen for donations: "This practice is a disgraceful one which violates the dignity of your profession in addition to placing an unfair strain on your pocket." However, Gov. Clement's own campaign for U.S. Senate was accused by THP officers in a 1966 Tennessean story of ordering a "shakedown," in which troopers were told to bring 10% of one month's take-home pay to the campaign treasurer at the Hermitage Hotel downtown. Decades later, highway patrolmen are still opening their wallets, campaign finance records show. Some THP officers and their spouses gave $50 or $100 to Bredesen, the newspaper found. Others gave thousands, like Trooper Robert E. Carter II, who with his family gave Bredesen $5,000 and was promoted to sergeant last year — despite an 88 score that put him in the bottom half of his testing group, according to state records. Carter declined to comment. Campaign contributions can be significant for troopers. The Carter family's $5,000 contribution equals 16% of a state trooper's starting annual pay of about $30,500. Starting pay for a sergeant is roughly $37,000, and for a lieutenant, $42,500. Approached in August, Bredesen said he succeeded in removing politics from the promotions of the Nashville Police Department when he was mayor. He said he wants the Highway Patrol headed in that direction, too. "We need to professionalize the department," Bredesen said. "We need especially to treat young people in the department in a way that they think the way they get ahead is to do a good job as opposed to making friendships. And I'm headed in that direction." Contacted for comment on the specifics of this story, Bredesen spokeswoman Lydia Lenker last week said the governor was busy and therefore unavailable. The top echelons of the THP's leadership are political appointees like Phillips and Pitts, many of them giving thousands of dollars to Bredesen's campaign, a setup no different from many other state agencies. However, THP officers below the rank of captain — its troopers, sergeants and lieutenants — are supposed to be covered by the state's civil service rules, which are intended to remove politics from state personnel decisions. At the THP's neighbor to the north, state law bans officers of the Kentucky State Police from "giving, soliciting or receiving" contributions to political candidates. "It erases any question of favoritism based on political affiliation," said Maj. Lisa Rudzinski, spokeswoman for the Kentucky State Police. "Their oath of office is to the true letter of the law, not to anyone or any political party." In Tennessee, political contributions were among the issues raised in a lawsuit filed by a former East Tennessee trooper, Lt. Bryan Farmer, who said he was retaliated against, demoted and eventually fired after supporting Republican Van Hilleary over Bredesen in 2002. The trooper's boss, Capt. Charles Laxton, and his family gave $3,700 to Bredesen during the 2002 race, records show. Laxton declined to speak in detail for this story, citing pending lawsuits, but said he "categorically denies" the accusations and looks forward to telling his side of the story in court. But in a recorded conversation that has been transcribed and entered as evidence in the case, Laxton said campaign work is "the way I got where I'm at." "If you want to get paid off, you know," Laxton was recorded as saying, "… you might be on the winning side, is all I heard." Tracking patronage In a high-tech world, computer spreadsheets are increasingly relied on by police officers tracking, sorting and analyzing everything from traffic accidents to shootings. The Tennessee Highway Patrol also has a spreadsheet that keeps track of political patrons of THP officers and job candidates. Congressmen, state legislators, Bredesen administration officials, political donors, rural Democratic Party leaders — their names are legion in the spreadsheet of those who put in a good word for a trooper in recent years. It doesn't specify which ones gave to the governor's campaign, but that information is obtainable by the public from other sources. The promotion applications troopers fill out also have spaces to list references, and many do. Of the 126 THP promotions and proposed promotions the newspaper reviewed, state records show 13 officers did not donate to Bredesen but had references from donors and were promoted or slated for promotion over at least one other trooper who outscored them. Sgt. Tony Barham is one of them. Sgt. Barham's test score of 94 was the fifth-best score in his group of sergeants from the Jackson district. Yet he was one of two in that group slated to be promoted to lieutenant this past August, before the promotions were scrapped. Barham said he didn't make any contributions to Bredesen, and the newspaper found no record that he or his family gave. But his references did. One is lobbyist Johnny Hayes, Bredesen's fundraising chairman, who has given Bredesen $10,000 since 2001. The other is Clark Jones, a Weststate car dealer and major Democratic fundraiser who has given $5,500. Both men contacted THP headquarters on Barham's behalf, according to agency records. The day before the THP was to announce the new slate of promotions this past August, Barham was one of two troopers who drove the governor to a Hardin County fundraiser. In an interview, Barham said he didn't know that Hayes or Jones had recommended him (even though his application for promotion shows that he listed Jones as a reference). He said he's been friends with both Hayes and Jones for years. Barham also said that just because somebody scores higher on a promotion test doesn't mean they're the best candidate. "I'm happy to get recommended by whoever," the 17-year THP veteran said. "I hope I can say I got promoted based on me." Of nearly 600 people whose names appear in the spreadsheet as having recommended a trooper for promotion, just under two-thirds were law- enforcement employees, judges, lawyers, or court officials. Most of the rest of the people making recommendations were politically connected fundraisers, lawmakers or local politicians. In the Thursday interview, Commissioner Phillips said he "pays a lot of attention" to recommendations when hiring, but downplayed their importance in promotions. "When I look at people that make recommendations for promotion, everything is taken into consideration, but the bottom line is the capabilities of the individual that's a candidate for the position," Phillips said. Two convicted felons also played a role in helping get officers promoted, records show. One is Harold Grooms, 57, an auto dealer from rural Cocke County who has personally given Bredesen $10,000 since August 2001 and held an August 2004 fundraiser at his home attended by the governor, according to campaign records and the governor's office. Grooms met with the governor in May of this year at the Capitol. Grooms was among a series of politicos and others who successfully recommended Trooper Dennis Jenkins for promotion to sergeant, according to THP records. The promotion went through in May 2004, five months after Grooms' recommendation letter to Commissioner Phillips. Grooms was convicted in 1992 in a case involving car theft and a chop shop for stolen cars, and he was sentenced to four years behind bars, according to court records and District Attorney General Al Schmutzer Jr. A Democrat, Grooms said he was "real good friends" with Jenkins' late father, and that when the son approached him for help, he did what he would for anyone. "I've paid my debt," Grooms said. "If I can help anyone, I will, as long as there's nothing wrong with it. Mr. Jenkins was number one on the list and he was the best-qualified person for the job. I didn't see no reason not to write a letter of recommendation. He'd been on the top of the list and passed over several times under the previous administration through, probably, politics, I don't know. He deserved the promotion." Jenkins declined to comment for this story. The other convicted felon is Gladys Crain, 81, of Halls, Tenn., who headed Bredesen's 2002 campaign in Lauderdale County. She and her family were references for two Weststate sergeants who were proposed for promotion in August. Their promotions came after they testified on behalf of her grandson, who had been charged with drunken driving. Their testimony contradicted the arresting officer, even though they had no involvement in the case. THP's entire slate of promotions was called off in August for an internal review after The Tennessean wrote about the Lauderdale case. The review is "almost complete," Phillips said Thursday. Campbell says he was disgusted by the two sergeants' testimony against another trooper. He said he's had enough of politics in the THP and retired this summer after three decades. "When it starts interfering with the daily operations of the enforcement of the laws of the state," Campbell said, "that is wrong." From The Tenneseaan.com Web Site. Retrieved November 18, 2005 from http://tennessean.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article? AID=/20051113/NEWS0201/511130390/1001/NEWS --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Bernard Kerik's alleged acceptance of work from contractors at reduced fees brings scrutiny. Builder's Lawyer Says Kerik Had to Know Cost By William K. Rashbaum, November 17, 2005 New York - A day after New Jersey officials said that Bernard B. Kerik had tried to help a mob-connected company while it paid for renovations to his apartment, a lawyer for the builder who did the work said Mr. Kerik should have known the labor and materials he received were worth tens of thousands of dollars more than he paid. The renovated apartment in the Riverdale section of the Bronx has been described in published reports as "a gem," with marble baths, a large rotunda entry and a renovated kitchen with a granite countertop and new appliances. The lawyer for the builder, Woods Restoration Services, said Mr. Kerik had no reason to believe that the extensive renovations done to the apartment in 1999 and 2000 could possibly have been covered by payments totaling $17,800, which is what New Jersey authorities said Mr. Kerik paid to Woods. "For him not to be aware, he'd have to be more than the world's biggest fool," said the lawyer, Kyle B. Watters. A lawyer for Mr. Kerik, who served as correction commissioner and police commissioner under Mayor Rudolph W. Guliani, has asserted that his client was unaware that anyone else had paid for the work. The city's Department of Investigation and the Bronx district attorney's office have been conducting investigations into the matter. Those inquiries were back in the spotlight after court papers containing the accusations were filed on Tuesday by the New Jersey Division of Gaming Enforcement. In the court papers, the gambling agency accused Mr. Kerik of accepting nearly $200,000 in work from Interstate Industrial Corporation. The agency has long contended that Interstate has ties to organized crime, an accusation the company has also long denied. Interstate also hired Mr. Kerik's brother, Donald, at a time when Mr. Kerik, then the correction commissioner, was helping the company get a license to do business in New York City, the court papers said. The accusations were the latest setback for Mr. Kerik, who was nominated late last year to serve as President Bush's homeland security secretary but then dropped out, citing possible tax problems involving his family's nanny. The court papers, filed as part of the gambling agency's ongoing effort to revoke Interstate's license to work on casinos in New Jersey, accused Mr. Kerik of accepting the renovations in exchange for helping the company with an unrelated license with the city. The filing renewed questions about the propriety of affixing Mr. Kerik's name to a New York City jail. Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg, in response to a reporter's question yesterday, said it was too soon to determine whether the jail should be renamed, because Mr. Kerik has been neither charged nor convicted. The mayor also said the city's Department of Investigation and the office of the Bronx district attorney, Robert T. Johnson, "both are very capable of conducting full, open investigations, and we'll see where they come out on the charges." Mr. Kerik, who is working as a security consultant for the government of Jordan, has not been available for comment since the papers were filed in Trenton. His lawyer, Joseph Tacopina, said Mr. Kerik paid about $30,000 for the work and knew nothing about anyone else paying additional money to Woods Restoration Services; Mr. Tacopina questioned the agency's figure for the renovations. Mr. Tacopina also dismissed statements by Mr. Watters, the lawyer for Woods Restoration, saying Mr. Kerik paid the invoices that were sent to him. He said Mr. Kerik did nothing to try to influence city regulators to grant Interstate a license and suggested that the allegations against his client were overblown. Mr. Watters said Woods Restoration, which had a longstanding business relationship with Interstate, had nothing to hide and did nothing wrong. Mr. Kerik bought the apartment, at 679 West 239th Street, in 1999 for $170,000 and sold it in 2002 for $460,000, an increase in value that Mr. Tacopina said was consistent with real estate prices in the area. The owners of Interstate, the brothers Frank and Peter DiTommaso, have denied that their company paid for the renovations. They still do not have a license to do business in New York City, and the city agency that the New Jersey authorities contend Mr. Kerik sought to influence recommended nearly two years ago that they not get one. Even so, they continue to operate a Staten Island trash transfer station under a temporary permit. The permit, granted by the city's Department of Sanitation, has been reissued every 180 days since the city agency, the Business Integrity Commission, concluded that the company's mob ties should preclude it from winning a city license. A Sanitation Department spokesman, Vito A. Turso, said only that "a decision by the Department of Sanitation on this issue will be made shortly." He could not explain why his department had failed to move against the company, nor could he say whether it was common for the department to act so slowly on the Integrity Commission's recommendations. Interstate won a license to work on New Jersey casinos in July 2004, despite the gambling agency's accusations that it employed mobsters and mob trucking companies and that the DiTommasos had relationships with more than a dozen mob figures and mob-connected companies. Frank DiTommaso has adamantly denied that Interstate has any connection to organized crime, and the company's lawyer, Thomas E. Durkin Jr., said an examination of the evidence would clearly show that. Over a period of years, according to the court papers, Mr. Kerik and Mr. DiTommaso developed a social relationship. Mr. Kerik invited Mr. DiTommaso to his Christmas party, and Mr. DiTommaso hired Mr. Kerik's brother and a close friend, Lawrence Ray, who served as best man at Mr. Kerik's 1998 wedding. In return, the papers allege, Mr. Kerik did what he could to help the company, including meeting with the chief trade waste regulator for the city, Raymond V. Casey, from whom Interstate was seeking a license, and making his Correction Department office available for Mr. Ray to meet with Mr. Casey's investigators. Mr. Kerik also provided advice concerning Interstate's pending regulatory investigations and Mr. Ray and Mr. DiTommaso faxed their license application to Mr. Kerik's office, the court papers said. Mr. Casey has said in the past that he did not feel Mr. Kerik sought to improperly influence him. Jim Rutenberg contributed reporting for this article. Retrieved November 18, 2005 from http://www.nytimes.com/2005/11/17/nyregion/17kerik.html ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Graft is apparently so ingrained in some Malaysian police that a new anti-corruption campaign requires officers to wear a button on their uniforms denouncing corruption. Malaysia police advertise that they are against graft by wearing buttons on their uniforms. Anti graft campaign to be permanent feature in police force By Lourdes Charles, 1/18/05 Kuala Lumpur - Malaysia Policemen must now wear button badges with the words Saya anti-rasuah (I'm against graft) inscribed on them or face the wrath of the top brass. This is part of a campaign to wipe out corruption in the police force. Deputy Inspector-General of Police Datuk Seri Musa Hassan said disciplinary action would be taken against any police personnel who failed to pin the button badge above his or her nametag. “All police contingents have been issued with the button badges, as well as car stickers with words Lapor Jika Ada Rasuah (Report if there is corruption) for Mobile Patrol Vehicles. “With the badges and stickers prominently visible, we hope the public will not be party to corrupt practices,” he said. He said all state and district police contingents were also provided with four types of banners – Polis Bermaruah Tanpa Rasuah (Honourable police above corruption), Jangan Memberi Dan Menerima Rasuah (Don’t give and take bribes), Rasuah Polis? Anda Akan Didakwa (Bribe the police? You will be prosecuted) and Rasuah Membawa Padah (Corruption does not pay). Musa, who was wearing the button badge, said about 50,000 badges and stickers had been distributed to all the contingents so far. He said all state police chiefs and Officers in Charge of Police Districts must make sure that they and their men pin the badges on their uniforms. He said the anti-corruption campaign would be a permanent feature in the police force, and advised all personnel to serve with integrity. “We are here to serve and protect the public, especially the victims, and we must do it with sincerity. We must not give in to greed. “The public can and should remind policemen that corruption is an offence and that they (the public) do not condone bribery. “If anyone has any information that our men are on the take or have demanded kickbacks to prevent action from being taken, they can write to me or contact me, and provide details of the alleged offence as well as the names of the policemen,” he added. The deputy IGP also warned the public against attempting to bribe his men. He said police were aware of such cases and would not hesitate to haul the culprits to court. Those with information on corruption can contact the police at 03-2262 6555, 03-2262 7555 or 03-2031 9999. From The Star Publications Web Site Retrieved November 18, 2005 from http://thestar.com.my/news/story.asp? file=/2005/11/10/nation/12550043&sec=nation -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- A story of alleged corruption in Chicago. North Chicago takes a hit, Ex-officials indicted in corruption case By Courtney Flynn, Tribune staff reporter. Chicago Tribune staff reporter Susan Kuczka and freelance reporter. Barbara Bell contributed to this report. Published May 26, 2005. Illinois- After a two-year investigation into alleged public corruption in North Chicago, four former officials and three others were indicted Wednesday on charges that ranged from using city credit cards to buy personal items to fraudulently receiving public aid, prosecutors said. Among those indicted by a Lake County grand jury are former Ald. Chandler Walker, recently fired Building Commissioner Balel Xzavian, former North Chicago Library Board Vice President Calvin Warren and Police Officer Harold Lawrence. Warren's wife, Barbara Anderson, and his stepson, Glenn Bullocks, also were indicted, along with Lawrence's wife, Elvira Courts, officials said. "I can't really say how widespread it is. ... Our investigation is continuing," Assistant State's Atty. George Strickland said. "I think that this investigation will assist in identifying the problems, and once they are addressed publicly, then I think solutions can [come about]." Lake County prosecutors began investigating corruption in North Chicago in 2003 after allegations of wrongdoing were brought to the state's attorney's office, Strickland said. Walker, who could not be reached for comment, was charged with 25 felony counts of official misconduct for allegedly using a city credit card for personal use, including paying for travel expenses to cover hotel bills and car rentals. He also spent city money on his personal clothing business, authorities alleged. If convicted, he could get up to 5 years in prison. Xzavian is charged with seven felony counts of official misconduct for illegally using the city's Home Depot charge card to buy personal items such as a barbecue grill, a chain saw and ceiling fans, Strickland said. He was dismissed from his job shortly after Mayor Leon Rockingham took office this month. Xzavian also was charged with three misdemeanor counts of possession of two handguns and ammunition without a valid state firearm owner's identification card, Strickland said. A warrant was issued Wednesday for Xzavian on those charges, he said. If convicted, Xzavian could get up to 5 years in prison on the official misconduct charges and up to 1 year on the charges of illegal firearms possession. When reached at his North Chicago home, Xzavian said that besides losing his job, his landlord is forcing him to move. "I wish they would leave me and the family alone," Xzavian said. "After we go to court, I don't think anything's going to happen." Strickland praised Rockingham for implementing new policies on city credit-card use and said the state's attorney's office is working with the mayor to make sure procedures are followed and the city's ethics code is "enforced vigorously." But Rockingham was disappointed with officials possibly committing crimes. "I am saddened to learn that ... a former alderman, two former city employees and a North Chicago police officer" were indicted, the mayor said in a statement. Warren, who ran an unsuccessful race for alderman last month, was charged in two alleged schemes--one involving his wife and another his stepson. Warren and Anderson, who worked at the library as a part-time reference librarian, are charged with one count of state benefits fraud and two counts of theft of more than $10,000 for allegedly misstating their marital status and household income to receive public housing payments of about $30,000. The state benefits fraud charges could carry a punishment of up to 5 years in prison, the theft charges up to 7 years. The couple have been removed from the city payroll, Rockingham said. Warren and Bullocks were charged with bid-rigging in a $23,000 contract for carpet installation at the library. The contract was not competitively bid, as required by law, Strickland said. After Bullocks' company received the contract, Bullocks gave Warren a $2,300 loan that was not repaid, Strickland said. The competitive bid and false application charges could carry a punishment of up to 5 years in prison. Warren also is charged with violating the state Open Meetings Act, a misdemeanor that could carry a penalty of up to 30 days in jail. When reached at his home, Warren denied any wrongdoing. Doug Grimes, an attorney for Bullocks, said he expects his client to be released on a signature bond after he surrenders June 9. "He has no criminal history, and I expect that he'll be acquitted of any charges if this case goes to trial," Grimes said. An attorney for Anderson could not be reached for comment. Lawrence and Courts are accused of illegally obtaining public aid and public housing assistance totaling about $30,000 by misstating their marital status and household income and forging notes to the Illinois Department of Public Aid. The state benefits fraud and forgery charges could carry a punishment of up to 5 years in prison. The Public Aid recipient fraud charges could carry a penalty of up to 15 years in prison. Lawrence has been removed from active duty as a police officer, Rockingham said. An attorney for Lawrence could not be reached for comment. Warren and Xzavian are expected to surrender to authorities this week, Strickland said. The others who were indicted will surrender over the next two weeks, he said. Retrieved May 27, 2005 from http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/local/north/chi-0505260258may26,1,613885. story?page=2&coll=chi-newslocalnorth-hed ------------------------------------------------------------------------- Prison Officer Fired for KKK Membership Sues Little Rock, Arkansas, May 24, 2005 12:09 PM EST, URL: http://www.katv.com/news/stories//230747.html Arkansas- Little Rock - A former prison official who was fired for belonging to the Ku Klux Klan has filed a lawsuit in Pulaski County Circuit Court claiming his civil rights were violated.Willis Frazier was fired as correctional officer at the East Arkansas Regional Unit in Lee County in August 2004, two months after he was hired. Warden Greg Harmon wrote a termination letter saying Frazier was fired because he was a member of the International Keystone Knights of the Ku Klux Klan.The Department discovered Frazier's membership in the KKK from an October 2003 newspaper story about a Klan demonstration in Cabot. Frazier was pictured in Klan regalia and identified himself as Arkansas Grand Dragon of Keystone Knights. Frazier's lawsuit said his firing violated his right to free speech, free association and religious liberty under the U.S. and state constitutions. He has asked for compensatory pay and his old job back at his previous seniority level. Prison regulations forbid any employee from belonging to a white supremacy group, street gangs or prison gangs. Tyler said at least three prison officials have been fired over the last decade for belonging to mostly black gangs, like the Los Angeles-based Crips. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Former detective prepares for trial Florida - As jury selection gets underway in the first trial for a Broward Sheriff's detective charged with falsifying crime reports, a judge ruled that some testimony may be excluded. By Wanda J. DeMarzo , wdemarzo@herald.com Deputies who claim they were coerced by supervisors into falsifying crime reports won't be able to use that as a defense in their upcoming misconduct trials without a specific ruling from a judge. Broward Circuit Judge Michael Gates' recently ruled that Christian Zapata, a former Broward Sheriff's Office detective in Weston who is accused of wrongly clearing cases, can't present any evidence, testimony or documents that could show he did so at the behest of supervisors. Jury selection gets underway today for Zapata's trial, two years after the State Attorney's Office began investigating allegations that deputies cooked up phony numbers on crime reports. With onl |